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    • Senate's Filibuster Transformation Hinders LegislationThe Senate's filibuster transformation into a 60-vote supermajority threshold hampers legislative progress, leaving many disillusioned. Budget reconciliation offers a limited workaround, and there's a growing consensus for change.

      The U.S. Senate has undergone significant changes in recent years, making it increasingly difficult to pass legislation due to the filibuster's transformation into a 60-vote supermajority threshold. This situation, which is far from what the founders intended, has left many insiders disillusioned. The budget reconciliation process is one way to bypass the filibuster, but it's limited to budget-related matters. The Senate, as it stands today, is not functioning optimally, and there's a growing recognition that change is necessary. The book "The Rise of the Modern Senate and the Crippling of American Democracy" provides valuable insights into the current state of the Senate and its implications for Joe Biden's agenda.

    • Unique features of US Senate's budget reconciliation processLimited by Byrd Rules, Senate's reconciliation process may result in inefficient, potentially legally-challenged policies despite bypassing filibuster

      The US Senate's budget reconciliation process, used by Democrats to pass President Biden's COVID-19 relief package without Republican support, has unique features that significantly impact laws and problem-solving, but also leads to inefficient and potentially legally-challenged policies. Known as the Byrd Rules, these guidelines require budgetary primary impact for policies to pass through reconciliation. This limitation can result in Rube Goldberg-like policy designs that may not be the most efficient or effective ways to address issues. The process, while a workaround for the filibuster, ultimately may lead to poor policy design and potential legal challenges, undermining the intended benefits of the legislation.

    • Senate's illogical legislative process hinders important policiesThe Senate's outdated procedures, including the filibuster and reconciliation, hinder the passage of necessary legislation, leaving important policies like emergency paid leave and a $15 minimum wage on the sidelines.

      The current Senate functioning, particularly the use of the filibuster and reconciliation, creates an illogical and Kafkaesque legislative process. This results in important policies, such as emergency paid leave and a $15 minimum wage, being left out due to procedural hurdles. The Senate's insistence on maintaining the 60-vote threshold, despite its impracticality, and the abuse of the reconciliation process, is unsustainable and hinders the passage of necessary legislation. The country is facing significant issues, and the solutions often exist, but the Senate's antiquated procedures make it difficult to implement them. It's crucial for people to understand that this doesn't have to be the norm and that change is possible. Moreover, the status quo bias in the Senate can make it challenging for people to recognize the need for change.

    • Senators Manchin and Sinema face tough decision on filibusterDemocrats may alter filibuster rules to pass agenda despite opposition from Manchin and Sinema, prioritizing results over filibuster principle.

      The Democratic senators, specifically Manchin and Sinema, are currently facing a tough decision regarding the filibuster and the Biden administration's agenda. They are endorsing the idea of passing big packages on a majority vote basis, but if they continue down this road without bipartisan support, they may have to consider changing the filibuster rules. The filibuster became an issue at the beginning of the Senate session when Mitch McConnell filibustered the organizing resolution, preventing the Senate from forming. The Democrats could have tried to negotiate or compromise, but instead, they both publicly stated they would never change their stance on the filibuster. This decision may be influenced by their desire to keep the Senate majority and ensure Biden's success, as well as the potential consequences of being seen as the ones blocking key parts of the Biden agenda. Ultimately, when faced with the choice between getting things done and preserving the filibuster, the senators' actions suggest they value results over adhering to the filibuster principle.

    • Democrats' efforts for bipartisanship may be futile with filibusterThe filibuster's 60-vote threshold hinders bipartisan agreements, making it difficult to pass bills with a majority.

      The current stance of Democrats like Manchin and Sinema to maintain the filibuster and seek bipartisanship might be a futile effort, as the Republican obstruction is expected to continue. The filibuster reform, which includes updating and stopping its abuse, might be the only viable solution. The failure of bipartisanship was evident in the recent child allowance proposal by Senator Mitt Romney, where not a single Republican senator showed interest in working with him. This situation highlights how the 60-vote threshold impedes potential bipartisan agreements and makes it difficult to pass bills with a majority.

    • Filibuster misconception and bipartisanshipThe filibuster doesn't promote bipartisanship, but instead allows the minority party to block legislation, leading to gridlock and voter dissatisfaction.

      The belief that the filibuster rule in the Senate promotes bipartisanship is a misconception. Instead, it gives the minority party the power to block the majority party from passing legislation, which can lead to gridlock and voter dissatisfaction. This dynamic, in turn, can create incentives for the minority party to continue blocking legislation, even on issues where they might otherwise agree. This dynamic was recognized by the framers of the Constitution, who warned that a supermajority requirement for legislation could lead to the embarrassment of the administration and the destruction of government energy. In reality, bipartisanship is something the majority party wants, and the minority party has little incentive to provide it. This perspective challenges the conventional wisdom that the filibuster rule is necessary to encourage bipartisanship and has important implications for how we think about governing in a polarized political environment.

    • Mitch McConnell's Strategic Defiance of Obama AdministrationMcConnell's gridlock strategy, prioritizing GOP interests, led to 2010 midterm success despite public disapproval

      Mitch McConnell's strategic insight and high risk tolerance led him to defy conventional wisdom by opposing President Obama's administration at every turn, proving that gridlock and obstruction can be a successful political strategy for the party out of power in the current polarized environment. McConnell, unlike other Senate leaders, fully embraced the incentives of the zero-sum electoral system and prioritized the interests of the Republican party over cooperation, ultimately leading to the GOP's massive success in the 2010 midterms. This strategy was effective because blame for gridlock is typically directed towards the party in power, making it difficult for the opposition to bear the brunt of public disapproval. McConnell's approach was not unique or genius, but rather a reflection of his willingness to capitulate to the system's currents and maximize the Republican party's power.

    • Political Leadership: Self-Interest and External PressuresPolitical leaders prioritize self-interest and external pressures, shaping decisions and outcomes. McConnell's Supreme Court blockage exemplified this, as he balanced internal party challenges and donor demands to maintain power.

      In the context of political leadership, self-interest and external pressures can significantly influence decision-making. Using the example of Mitch McConnell blocking Merrick Garland's Supreme Court nomination in 2016, McConnell's actions were driven by a desire to secure his leadership position amidst challenges from both within and outside his party. The structural factors, including donor demands and base support, further encouraged obstruction. While McConnell's decision may have been controversial, it was a strategic move aimed at maintaining his power and preventing potential challenges to his leadership. This illustrates the complex dynamics at play in political decision-making and the role of self-interest and external pressures in shaping outcomes.

    • Senate nomination process evolved into ideological votesMcConnell's handling of Garland reflected reality of polarized parties, structurally incentivized actions, and united GOP

      The Senate and Supreme Court nomination process have evolved significantly from being relatively non-ideological votes in the less polarized parties of the 20th century to highly ideological ones in the polarized parties of the 21st. McConnell's handling of the Merrick Garland nomination was not an anomaly but a reflection of this reality. The parties had already constructed ideological vetting systems to ensure the nomination of reliable ideological justices. McConnell's actions were a response to the ideological stakes of the era and the structural incentives he was operating under. Expecting him to have acted differently is unrealistic. The Senate functions differently in the context of highly polarized parties, and it's crucial to acknowledge this reality instead of clinging to outdated norms and expectations. McConnell's actions also united the two wings of the Republican Party, making it the decisive factor in the 2016 election. It's essential to understand that leaders are influenced by their structural incentives and that restoring majority rule means acknowledging and addressing the current political climate.

    • The filibuster rule played a significant role in blocking Merrick Garland's Supreme Court nominationThe filibuster rule's requirement for a supermajority hinders bipartisan legislation and can be used to prevent votes on controversial nominations or issues, potentially hindering the Senate's ability to pass significant legislation in a closely divided political climate.

      The Senate's filibuster rule, which required a supermajority of 60 votes to confirm Supreme Court justices, played a significant role in the blocking of Merrick Garland's nomination in 2016. McConnell, with a Republican majority of 53 seats, only needed to prevent 13 Republicans from breaking ranks to block Garland's confirmation. This cushion of votes gave him the confidence to make the snap decision to block the nomination, as opposed to the more challenging task of keeping three Republicans in line. The lack of a bipartisan vote on Garland's nomination can be attributed, in part, to the Senate leadership's reluctance to bring bills that could split their own caucus to the floor. McConnell's decision not to hold a vote on Garland's nomination allowed Republicans to dodge accountability and kept the issue from gaining momentum. The filibuster rule's requirement for a supermajority creates a high threshold for bipartisan legislation, potentially hindering the Senate's ability to pass significant legislation in a closely divided political climate.

    • Bipartisan cooperation not always necessary for lasting policyHistorically, significant legislation has been passed with a simple majority, suggesting that the focus on bipartisanship for lasting policy may not be essential and could potentially slow down the legislative process.

      The need for bipartisan cooperation to create lasting policy may not be as essential as some believe. The discussion highlights the passing of Obamacare as an example, where the inability to secure a single Republican vote led to a lengthy and contentious process. If President Obama had held a majority in the Senate instead, the bill could have passed faster and more effectively, allowing for potential bipartisan input and policy shaping. Historically, many significant pieces of legislation have been passed with a simple majority, including Medicare, which never faced a filibuster or supermajority threshold. Therefore, the requirement for bipartisanship to create lasting policy may not be a necessary condition, and focusing on building consensus could potentially slow down the legislative process.

    • Jim Crow era's legislative hurdles for civil rightsDuring the Jim Crow era, civil rights bills faced unique legislative challenges, requiring a super majority in the Senate. This contrasted with other issues, leading to gridlock on current topics like climate change, income inequality, immigration, and gun control. We should revert to Madison's original system for passing laws.

      During the Jim Crow era, civil rights legislation faced a much more challenging legislative process than other issues due to the requirement for a super majority threshold to pass in the Senate. This contrasted with other legislation, which only needed a simple majority. As a result, civil rights bills were unable to pass despite having majority support in the House, the Senate, and from presidents, as well as significant public support. The filibuster, which was used extensively to block civil rights legislation, was not used on other issues. Today, we have adopted this more difficult legislative process for all issues, leading to gridlock on topics like climate change, income inequality, immigration, and gun control. To address this issue, we should return to the system Madison designed, where a bill becomes a law if it secures a majority in the House, a majority in the Senate, a president's signature, and can withstand scrutiny from the courts.

    • Historical use of filibuster to obstruct civil rightsThe filibuster, originally not meant for minority debate rights, has been used to block civil rights legislation, allowing passage of policies favoring the powerful.

      The filibuster, a Senate rule allowing unlimited debate, has been used historically to obstruct civil rights legislation while allowing the passage of policies favoring the wealthy and powerful. Originally, the framers did not intend for the minority to have unlimited debate rights, but Senator John Calhoun from South Carolina reinvented this idea in the 1830s, using it to protect slavery and later, in the Jim Crow era, to maintain racial oppression. More recently, the filibuster has been used to block civil rights bills like the John Lewis Voting Rights Act and the For the People Act, which aim to address voter suppression and campaign finance reform, while allowing the passage of measures like the Trump tax cuts with only 51 votes. This tactic shifts the focus from the issue at hand to the question of debate, allowing those in power to delay or prevent progress on crucial civil rights matters.

    • Filibuster blocks equal rights legislationThe filibuster, a Senate procedural tool, has been used to prevent equal rights bills, particularly those related to voting, from passing due to power imbalance and misuse as a defense mechanism for the privileged.

      The filibuster, a procedural tool in the US Senate designed to require a supermajority for passing certain legislation, has been consistently used to block bills that would ensure equal rights for racial and ethnic minorities, particularly in the context of voting rights. This is due to the structural power imbalance in the Senate, where the party interested in maintaining the status quo has more power and uses the filibuster as a tool to preserve it. The speaker also emphasizes the importance of restoring the debate requirement for filibusters, but the essential question is whether a majority can reasonably end the debate period within a reasonable timeframe. The filibuster's misuse as a defense mechanism for the wealthy and powerful, while minorities continue to be systematically denied their rights, is a significant issue that requires reform.

    • Filibuster Rule and Gridlock in the SenateThe filibuster rule, allowing unlimited debate and requiring a supermajority to end it, leads to gridlock. Simplifying the rule to limit debate time and allow for a majority vote could restore efficiency, but may give more power to the party in control.

      The filibuster rule in the Senate, which allows for unlimited debate and requires a supermajority to end it, has led to increasing obstruction and gridlock. If we were to rewrite the rule, it could be simplified to allow for a maximum debate time after which a majority vote could end debate and move the bill to a final vote. This would restore the original intent of the Senate and allow for more efficient legislative processes. However, some argue that getting rid of the filibuster could give more power to the party in control of the Senate, as they would have the ability to pass legislation with a simple majority. Ultimately, the decision to change the filibuster rule would have significant consequences and should be carefully considered. The history of the filibuster shows that its weakening has led to more frequent use and unintended consequences.

    • Making crucial structural reforms to our democracyEliminating the filibuster is necessary for passing key reforms like DC and Puerto Rico statehood, automatic voter registration, and addressing climate change, health care, and income inequality.

      If you believe in making significant structural reforms to our democracy, such as the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, DC and Puerto Rico statehood, automatic voter registration, and addressing issues like climate change, health care, and income inequality, then supporting the elimination of the filibuster is crucial. This is because the filibuster gives the opposing party immense power to block legislation, and without it, we have the opportunity to make much-needed changes to our democracy. The advantages of seizing this moment to fix structural imbalances far outweigh the narrow gains of keeping them in place. A historical example of this is the failed attempt to abolish the electoral college in 1970, which could have prevented the presidencies of George W. Bush and Donald Trump. Some recommended books on these topics include "Double Indemnity" by James Cain, "The Power Broker" by Robert Caro, and "The Sum of Us" by Heather McGhee. Additionally, Heather McGhee will be on the show on Tuesday, so be sure to tune in. Lastly, a favorite children's book recommendation is "Where the Wild Things Are" by Maurice Sendak, which explores the ambivalence and tougher parts of childhood.

    • Understanding the Inner Workings of the US SenateFor a comprehensive exploration of the US Senate, read 'Kill Switch' by Adam Jettleson. Your reviews help others discover the podcast.

      The recommendation of the book "Kill Switch" by Adam Jettleson. This book provides valuable insights into the inner workings of the modern US Senate. The speaker expressed that it is his favorite book on the subject and that the conversation only scratched the surface of what the book offers. If you want to truly understand the Senate and its complexities, the speaker strongly suggests reading "Kill Switch." Additionally, the speaker encourages listeners to leave a review of the podcast if they are enjoying it, as it helps others discover the show. Overall, this conversation underscores the importance of well-researched and insightful books in understanding complex political institutions.

    Recent Episodes from The Ezra Klein Show

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    In February, after I first made the case for an open Democratic convention, I interviewed Elaine Kamarck to better understand what an open convention would look like. She literally wrote the book on how we choose presidential candidates, “Primary Politics: Everything You Need to Know About How America Nominates Its Presidential Candidates.” But her background here isn’t just theory. She’s worked on four presidential campaigns and on 10 nominating conventions — for both Democrats and Republicans. She’s a member of the Democratic National Committee’s Rules Committee. And her explanation of the mechanics and dynamics of open conventions was, for me, extremely helpful. It’s even more relevant now than it was then. 

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    Mentioned:

    This Isn’t All Joe Biden’s Fault” by Ezra Klein

    Democrats Have a Better Option Than Biden” by The Ezra Klein Show

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    The Biden and Trump Weaknesses That Don’t Get Enough Attention” by Ross Douthat

    Trump’s Bold Vision for America: Higher Prices!” with Matthew Yglesias on The Ezra Klein Show

    Democrats Have a Better Option Than Biden” on The Ezra Klein Show

    Here’s How an Open Democratic Convention Would Work” with Elaine Kamarck on The Ezra Klein Show

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    Trump’s Bold Vision for America: Higher Prices!

    Trump’s Bold Vision for America: Higher Prices!

    Donald Trump has made inflation a central part of his campaign message. At his rallies, he rails against “the Biden inflation tax” and “crooked Joe’s inflation nightmare,” and promises that in a second Trump term, “inflation will be in full retreat.”

    But if you look at Trump’s actual policies, that wouldn’t be the case at all. Trump has a bold, ambitious agenda to make prices much, much higher. He’s proposing a 10 percent tariff on imported goods, and a 60 percent tariff on products from China. He wants to deport huge numbers of immigrants. And he’s made it clear that he’d like to replace the Federal Reserve chair with someone more willing to take orders from him. It’s almost unimaginable to me that you would run on this agenda at a time when Americans are so mad about high prices. But I don’t think people really know that’s what Trump is vowing to do.

    So to drill into the weeds of Trump’s plans, I decided to call up an old friend. Matt Yglesias is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist and the author of the Slow Boring newsletter, where he’s been writing a lot about Trump’s proposals. We also used to host a policy podcast together, “The Weeds.”

    In this conversation, we discuss what would happen to the economy, especially in terms of inflation, if Trump actually did what he says he wants to do; what we can learn from how Trump managed the economy in his first term; and why more people aren’t sounding the alarm.

    Mentioned:

    Trump’s new economic plan is terrible” by Matthew Yglesias

    Never mind: Wall Street titans shake off qualms and embrace Trump” by Sam Sutton

    How Far Trump Would Go” by Eric Cortellessa

    Book Recommendations:

    Take Back the Game by Linda Flanagan

    1177 B.C. by Eric H. Cline

    The Rise of the G.I. Army, 1940-1941 by Paul Dickson

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    The Biggest Political Divide Is Not Left vs. Right

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    Yanna Krupnikov studies exactly this kind of voter. She’s a professor of communication and media at the University of Michigan and an author, with John Barry Ryan, of “The Other Divide: Polarization and Disengagement in American Politics.” The book examines how the chasm between the deeply involved and the less involved shapes politics in America. I’ve found it to be a helpful guide for understanding one of the most crucial dynamics emerging in this year’s election: the swing to Trump from President Biden among disengaged voters.

    In this conversation, we discuss how politically disengaged voters relate to politics; where they get their information about politics and how they form opinions; and whether major news events, like Trump’s recent conviction, might sway them.

    Mentioned:

    The ‘Need for Chaos’ and Motivations to Share Hostile Political Rumors” by Michael Bang Petersen, Mathias Osmundsen and Kevin Arceneaux

    Hooked by Markus Prior

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    One explanation for the 2024 election’s biggest mystery” by Eric Levitz

    Book Recommendations:

    What Goes Without Saying by Taylor N. Carlson and Jaime E. Settle

    Through the Grapevine by Taylor N. Carlson

    Sorry I’m Late, I Didn’t Want to Come by Jessica Pan

    Thoughts? Guest suggestions? Email us at ezrakleinshow@nytimes.com.

    You can find transcripts (posted midday) and more episodes of “The Ezra Klein Show” at nytimes.com/ezra-klein-podcast. Book recommendations from all our guests are listed at https://www.nytimes.com/article/ezra-klein-show-book-recs.

    This episode of “The Ezra Klein Show” was produced by Annie Galvin. Fact-checking by Michelle Harris. Our senior engineer is Jeff Geld, with additional mixing by Efim Shapiro and Aman Sahota. Our senior editor is Claire Gordon. The show’s production team also includes Rollin Hu, Elias Isquith and Kristin Lin. Original music by Isaac Jones. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Shannon Busta. The executive producer of New York Times Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser. Special thanks to Sonia Herrero.

    The Ezra Klein Show
    enJune 18, 2024

    The View From the Israeli Right

    The View From the Israeli Right

    On Tuesday I got back from an eight-day trip to Israel and the West Bank. I happened to be there on the day that Benny Gantz resigned from the war cabinet and called on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to schedule new elections, breaking the unity government that Israel had had since shortly after Oct. 7.

    There is no viable left wing in Israel right now. There is a coalition that Netanyahu leads stretching from right to far right and a coalition that Gantz leads stretching from center to right. In the early months of the war, Gantz appeared ascendant as support for Netanyahu cratered. But now Netanyahu’s poll numbers are ticking back up.

    So one thing I did in Israel was deepen my reporting on Israel’s right. And there, Amit Segal’s name kept coming up. He’s one of Israel’s most influential political analysts and the author of “The Story of Israeli Politics” is coming out in English.

    Segal and I talked about the political differences between Gantz and Netanyahu, the theory of security that’s emerging on the Israeli right, what happened to the Israeli left, the threat from Iran and Hezbollah and how Netanyahu is trying to use President Biden’s criticism to his political advantage.

    Mentioned:

    Biden May Spur Another Netanyahu Comeback” by Amit Segal

    Book Recommendations:

    The Years of Lyndon Johnson Series by Robert A. Caro

    The World of Yesterday by Stefan Zweig

    The Object of Zionism by Zvi Efrat

    The News from Waterloo by Brian Cathcart

    Thoughts? Guest suggestions? Email us at ezrakleinshow@nytimes.com.

    You can find transcripts (posted midday) and more episodes of “The Ezra Klein Show” at nytimes.com/ezra-klein-podcast. Book recommendations from all our guests are listed at https://www.nytimes.com/article/ezra-klein-show-book-recs.

    This episode of “The Ezra Klein Show” was produced by Claire Gordon. Fact-checking by Michelle Harris with Kate Sinclair. Our senior engineer is Jeff Geld, with additional mixing by Aman Sahota. Our senior editor is Claire Gordon. The show’s production team also includes Annie Galvin, Rollin Hu, Elias Isquith and Kristin Lin. Original music by Isaac Jones. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Shannon Busta. The executive producer of New York Times Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser. And special thanks to Sonia Herrero.

    The Ezra Klein Show
    enJune 14, 2024

    The Economic Theory That Explains Why Americans Are So Mad

    The Economic Theory That Explains Why Americans Are So Mad

    There’s something weird happening with the economy. On a personal level, most Americans say they’re doing pretty well right now. And according to the data, that’s true. Wages have gone up faster than inflation. Unemployment is low, the stock market is generally up so far this year, and people are buying more stuff.

    And yet in surveys, people keep saying the economy is bad. A recent Harris poll for The Guardian found that around half of Americans think the S. & P. 500 is down this year, and that unemployment is at a 50-year high. Fifty-six percent think we’re in a recession.

    There are many theories about why this gap exists. Maybe political polarization is warping how people see the economy or it’s a failure of President Biden’s messaging, or there’s just something uniquely painful about inflation. And while there’s truth in all of these, it felt like a piece of the story was missing.

    And for me, that missing piece was an article I read right before the pandemic. An Atlantic story from February 2020 called “The Great Affordability Crisis Breaking America.” It described how some of Americans’ biggest-ticket expenses — housing, health care, higher education and child care — which were already pricey, had been getting steadily pricier for decades.

    At the time, prices weren’t the big topic in the economy; the focus was more on jobs and wages. So it was easier for this trend to slip notice, like a frog boiling in water, quietly, putting more and more strain on American budgets. But today, after years of high inflation, prices are the biggest topic in the economy. And I think that explains the anger people feel: They’re noticing the price of things all the time, and getting hammered with the reality of how expensive these things have become.

    The author of that Atlantic piece is Annie Lowrey. She’s an economics reporter, the author of Give People Money, and also my wife. In this conversation, we discuss how the affordability crisis has collided with our post-pandemic inflationary world, the forces that shape our economic perceptions, why people keep spending as if prices aren’t a strain and what this might mean for the presidential election.

    Mentioned:

    It Will Never Be a Good Time to Buy a House” by Annie Lowrey

    Book Recommendations:

    Franchise by Marcia Chatelain

    A Place of Greater Safety by Hilary Mantel

    Nickel and Dimed by Barbara Ehrenreich

    Thoughts? Guest suggestions? Email us at ezrakleinshow@nytimes.com.

    You can find transcripts (posted midday) and more episodes of “The Ezra Klein Show” at nytimes.com/ezra-klein-podcast. Book recommendations from all our guests are listed at https://www.nytimes.com/article/ezra-klein-show-book-recs.

    This episode of “The Ezra Klein Show” was produced by Rollin Hu. Fact-checking by Michelle Harris. Our senior engineer is Jeff Geld, with additional mixing by Efim Shapiro and Aman Sahota. Our senior editor is Claire Gordon. The show’s production team also includes Annie Galvin, Elias Isquith and Kristin Lin. Original music by Isaac Jones and Aman Sahota. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Shannon Busta. The executive producer of New York Times Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser. Special thanks to Sonia Herrero.

    The Ezra Klein Show
    enJune 07, 2024

    The Republican Party’s Decay Began Long Before Trump

    The Republican Party’s Decay Began Long Before Trump

    After Donald Trump was convicted last week in his hush-money trial, Republican leaders wasted no time in rallying behind him. There was no chance the Republican Party was going to replace Trump as their nominee at this point. Trump has essentially taken over the G.O.P.; his daughter-in-law is even co-chair of the Republican National Committee.

    How did the Republican Party get so weak that it could fall victim to a hostile takeover?

    Daniel Schlozman and Sam Rosenfeld are the authors of “The Hollow Parties: The Many Pasts and Disordered Present of American Party Politics,” which traces how both major political parties have been “hollowed out” over the decades, transforming once-powerful gatekeeping institutions into mere vessels for the ideologies of specific candidates. And they argue that this change has been perilous for our democracy.

    In this conversation, we discuss how the power of the parties has been gradually chipped away; why the Republican Party became less ideological and more geared around conflict; the merits of a stronger party system; and more.

    Mentioned:

    Democrats Have a Better Option Than Biden” by The Ezra Klein Show

    Here’s How an Open Democratic Convention Would Work” by The Ezra Klein Show with Elaine Kamarck

    Book Recommendations:

    The Two Faces of American Freedom by Aziz Rana

    Rainbow’s End by Steven P. Erie

    An American Melodrama by Lewis Chester, Godfrey Hodgson, Bruce Page

    Thoughts? Guest suggestions? Email us at ezrakleinshow@nytimes.com.

    You can find transcripts (posted midday) and more episodes of “The Ezra Klein Show” at nytimes.com/ezra-klein-podcast. Book recommendations from all our guests are listed at https://www.nytimes.com/article/ezra-klein-show-book-recs.

    This episode of “The Ezra Klein Show’‘ was produced by Elias Isquith. Fact-checking by Michelle Harris, with Mary Marge Locker, Kate Sinclair and Rollin Hu. Our senior engineer is Jeff Geld, with additional mixing by Aman Sahota and Efim Shapiro. Our senior editor is Claire Gordon. The show’s production team also includes Annie Galvin and Kristin Lin. Original music by Isaac Jones. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Shannon Busta. The executive producer of New York Times Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser. Special thanks to Sonia Herrero.

    The Ezra Klein Show
    enJune 04, 2024

    Your Mind Is Being Fracked

    Your Mind Is Being Fracked

    The steady dings of notifications. The 40 tabs that greet you when you open your computer in the morning. The hundreds of unread emails, most of them spam, with subject lines pleading or screaming for you to click. Our attention is under assault these days, and most of us are familiar with the feeling that gives us — fractured, irritated, overwhelmed.

    D. Graham Burnett calls the attention economy an example of “human fracking”: With our attention in shorter and shorter supply, companies are going to even greater lengths to extract this precious resource from us. And he argues that it’s now reached a point that calls for a kind of revolution. “This is creating conditions that are at odds with human flourishing. We know this,” he tells me. “And we need to mount new forms of resistance.”

    Burnett is a professor of the history of science at Princeton University and is working on a book about the laboratory study of attention. He’s also a co-founder of the Strother School of Radical Attention, which is a kind of grass roots, artistic effort to create a curriculum for studying attention.

    In this conversation, we talk about how the 20th-century study of attention laid the groundwork for today’s attention economy, the connection between changing ideas of attention and changing ideas of the self, how we even define attention (this episode is worth listening to for Burnett’s collection of beautiful metaphors alone), whether the concern over our shrinking attention spans is simply a moral panic, what it means to teach attention and more.

    Mentioned:

    Friends of Attention

    The Battle for Attention” by Nathan Heller

    Powerful Forces Are Fracking Our Attention. We Can Fight Back.” by D. Graham Burnett, Alyssa Loh and Peter Schmidt

    Scenes of Attention edited by D. Graham Burnett and Justin E. H. Smith

    Book Recommendations:

    Addiction by Design by Natasha Dow Schüll

    Objectivity by Lorraine Daston and Peter L. Galison

    The Confidence-Man by Herman Melville

    Thoughts? Guest suggestions? Email us at ezrakleinshow@nytimes.com.

    You can find transcripts (posted midday) and more episodes of “The Ezra Klein Show” at nytimes.com/ezra-klein-podcast. Book recommendations from all our guests are listed at https://www.nytimes.com/article/ezra-klein-show-book-recs.

    This episode of “The Ezra Klein Show” was produced by Rollin Hu and Kristin Lin. Fact-checking by Michelle Harris, with Mary Marge Locker and Kate Sinclair. Our senior engineer is Jeff Geld, with additional mixing by Isaac Jones and Aman Sahota. Our senior editor is Claire Gordon. The show’s production team also includes Annie Galvin and Elias Isquith. Original music by Isaac Jones and Aman Sahota. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Shannon Busta. The executive producer of New York Times Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser. Special thanks to Sonia Herrero.

    The Ezra Klein Show
    enMay 31, 2024

    ‘Artificial Intelligence?’ No, Collective Intelligence.

    ‘Artificial Intelligence?’ No, Collective Intelligence.

    A.I.-generated art has flooded the internet, and a lot of it is derivative, even boring or offensive. But what could it look like for artists to collaborate with A.I. systems in making art that is actually generative, challenging, transcendent?

    Holly Herndon offered one answer with her 2019 album “PROTO.” Along with Mathew Dryhurst and the programmer Jules LaPlace, she built an A.I. called “Spawn” trained on human voices that adds an uncanny yet oddly personal layer to the music. Beyond her music and visual art, Herndon is trying to solve a problem that many creative people are encountering as A.I. becomes more prominent: How do you encourage experimentation without stealing others’ work to train A.I. models? Along with Dryhurst, Jordan Meyer and Patrick Hoepner, she co-founded Spawning, a company figuring out how to allow artists — and all of us creating content on the internet — to “consent” to our work being used as training data.

    In this conversation, we discuss how Herndon collaborated with a human chorus and her “A.I. baby,” Spawn, on “PROTO”; how A.I. voice imitators grew out of electronic music and other musical genres; why Herndon prefers the term “collective intelligence” to “artificial intelligence”; why an “opt-in” model could help us retain more control of our work as A.I. trawls the internet for data; and much more.

    Mentioned:

    Fear, Uncertainty, Doubt” by Holly Herndon

    xhairymutantx” by Holly Herndon and Mat Dryhurst, for the Whitney Museum of Art

    Fade” by Holly Herndon

    Swim” by Holly Herndon

    Jolene” by Holly Herndon and Holly+

    Movement” by Holly Herndon

    Chorus” by Holly Herndon

    Godmother” by Holly Herndon

    The Precision of Infinity” by Jlin and Philip Glass

    Holly+

    Book Recommendations:

    Intelligence and Spirit by Reza Negarestani

    Children of Time by Adrian Tchaikovsky

    Plurality by E. Glen Weyl, Audrey Tang and ⿻ Community

    Thoughts? Guest suggestions? Email us at ezrakleinshow@nytimes.com.

    You can find transcripts (posted midday) and more episodes of “The Ezra Klein Show” at nytimes.com/ezra-klein-podcast. Book recommendations from all our guests are listed at https://www.nytimes.com/article/ezra-klein-show-book-recs.

    This episode of “The Ezra Klein Show” was produced by Annie Galvin. Fact-checking by Michelle Harris. Our senior engineer is Jeff Geld, with additional mixing by Aman Sahota. Our senior editor is Claire Gordon. The show’s production team also includes Rollin Hu, Elias Isquith and Kristin Lin. Original music by Isaac Jones. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Shannon Busta. The executive producer of New York Times Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser. And special thanks to Sonia Herrero and Jack Hamilton.

    The Ezra Klein Show
    enMay 24, 2024

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